Anyone whose conscience and dignity have not been tarnished will not hesitate to say that the Gezi trial is a crime under the law. It would be disrespectful to our friends, each of whom is now a political prisoner, to subject this matter to judicial review. All the accused were acquitted, one case was retrial at the ruler’s direction, and the first curtain was closed by a murder of right. Just as previous cases were dropped with changing political conditions or ended with the release of all their defendants, the same fate awaits this case. When political power is lost or extraordinary conditions arise, all of our friends, including Kavala, will emerge with honor from the dungeon they entered with their heads held high.
The Erdoganist regime has always considered the Gezi affair as an operational cause. Although this case was kept as an asset in negotiations with the West over Kavala, it was designed as a powerful tool to rethink the domestic politics of the other defendants. The bogus espionage case against Kavala resulted in his acquittal. But the court ruled that Kavala was the main organizer of Gezi. It is a foolish attempt to conclude that they are the organizers of a social action like Gezi, in which millions of people participate. It is not possible to explain this way of thinking with rational justifications. But to say that he is paranoid is also to ignore the technologies of power. Behind this case are carefully calculated power technologies.
As we hone our anger and anger on the anvil of history, we have the task of deconstructing the way of thinking of power by exercising our minds to the fullest. The government, which considers the Gezi trial as a means of blackmail, calculates why it gave its opinion. The leaked information is that the file is under the responsibility of Mehmet Uçum, one of Erdoğan’s legal advisers at the palace. As a leftist, Uçum is the person responsible for the files critical of the Erdoğanist regime. Of course, the Justice Department bureaucracy would not be interested in these cases in an environment where all power was transferred to the palace. In a place where every step taken is subject to negotiation, the fate of Kavala and the Travelers would also be a matter of calculation.
The government believes that its existence will continue if it succeeds in dividing society in two. He calculates that his former elector, who was separated from him and accumulated in the undecided cluster, will only come to him with this process of division. There have long been such calculations in the government’s criminalization of Gezi. From the perspective of those who use energy technology, Gezi participants are incurably part of another nation. They belong to another nation. This technology offers power productive opportunities to determine both within itself and whom it excludes. In fact, politics is exactly that.
Populist and fascist authoritarian politicians still do their job of dividing the nation in two. For Teatcher, the nation’s first landlords were nationalists and conservatives. While leading the neoliberal counter-revolution, he compared miners to the scar on society’s back. He had built his own nation as soon as he crushed the miners’ strike. Since the Labor Party could not respond to this, it could not recover for a quarter of a century.
Erdogan saw a nation against himself in Gezi. It was a nation of poor Alevi, traditional middle classes, new precariat, secular people, women and youth. The parts of a new nation that is at peace with the world, united, altruistic and willing to overcome the slavery of the culture wars gathered in Gezi. Erdogan and the political class represented the past and what had to be overcome in the face of this partnership. After Gezi, this nation grows even more with the participation of the Kurds. The Kurds stayed away from Gezi so as not to interrupt the solution process.
If Gezi is Erdoğan’s nightmare, it is the seed of a democratic society in his democratic nation. Erdogan began taking steps to fortify his own nation and reintegrate those who walked out, putting Gezi on trial and sentencing him to justice under his orders. This is the first step taken. It was decided that the international conditions are conducive to these steps. Just as the Kurds, who joined the Gezi Nation in the March 31 election with Operation Claw, are meant to be sent back to hesitation, the conspiracy killing in the Gezi Trial is meant to expose the people of Gezi to a shock therapy. It is very likely that such measures will return. The highlight will be disabling Hdp. The government, which reversed the shock it experienced in the run-up to the 2015 elections by bringing life to all of society, now wants to put society in a state of immobility with shocks that seem to put the mind at stake. state of society that is constantly shocked, unable to move, crawling, feeling upset and not knowing what to do to be dizzy is desired. As society dies, someone makes insidious plans to secure their power.
The exit from here will not be done by being rejected or by stepping back. Gezi is the most important trait that these lands can be proud of. It is the greatest gift in the world, to humanity. It is the denial of society’s disbelief and contempt. He is the herald of our future. It is a new beginning, a stage and a turning point. It is the assurance of not losing hope in society. Gezi is the lived practice of being a democratic nation, a democratic society. Erdogan was horrified, knowing that Gezi would dump others like him and his people. With this fear, he caused his own nation to undergo a local and national turn. Those who want to crown the republic with democracy should not forget that the beginning of this work was done in Gezi.